In the Calamus
series, Walt Whitman employs male-male sexual relationships
as a metaphor for the democratic utopia that he envisions
in his essay “Democratic Vistas.” Calamus, in its
attempt to rewrite cultural thinking regarding “adhesive
love,” is a ritual performance of identity construction
that engages with the major tenets of Judith Butler’s
theory of performativity. Whitman figures himself as the
head of a political and spiritual project of seeming cultural
imperialism that is instituted via a repetitive invocation
of the metonymic relationship between adhesive love and
his democratic model. Whitman promotes a model of Democracy
that re-inscribes the norms of masculine identity, making
exclusion and erasure of difference one of its seeming
goals. Whitman traverses geographic space as well as individual
bodies, subsuming various identities, and uniting them
under a single democratic ideal. The democratic utopia
that he imagines is ultimately put at risk by insisting
on other identifications (gender, race, nationality, etc.)
under the category of adhesiveness and resisting the politically
progressive possibilities of what Judith Butler calls
“phantasmic identification,” by systematically erasing
other categories of identification from his sexually progressive
cultural revision.
In his essay
“Democratic Vistas” Whitman writes: “Few are aware how
the great literature penetrates all, gives hue to all,
shapes aggregates and individuals, and, after subtle ways,
with irresistible power, constructs, sustains, demolishes
at will”(760). He imagines the instantiation of a
poetic, national literature, designed to promote modernity
and democracy. He repeats the word “all,” emphasizing his concern with a common,
unifying literary tradition. The poet and the democratic
leader are one, shaping and coloring not only “aggregates”,
but also “individuals,” suggesting an inextricable relationship
between national and individual identity that the poet
has an interest in strengthening.
Beyond the power of
literature itself, the poet, in Whitman’s view,
is to take over as supreme moral and spiritual instructor:
“The priest departs, the divine literatus comes”(760).
The “subtle” and “irresistible” nature of the power designed
to “construct” (or demolish) the national and the individual
is combined with an aura of the poetic as transcendental,
endowing the poet with sublime power, equal to that of
a priest.
Whitman repeatedly
uses the term “Comrade” in both “Democratic Vistas” and
Calamus; comradeship operates as a two-pronged metaphor
that denotes both a model of Democracy and same-sex sexual
relationships. In “Democratic Vistas,” he writes:
Intense and loving comradeship, the
personal and passionate attachment of man to man–which,
hard to define, underlies the lessons and ideals of
the profound saviors of every land and age, and which
seems to promise, when thoroughly developed, cultivated
and recognized in manners and literature, the most
substantial hope and safety of the future of these
States, will then be fully expressed. (770) |
In a note in the 1892 edition, Whitman acknowledges that “comradeship”
is meant to refer to his term for male homosexuality,
“adhesive love.” The use of the term “comrade,” usually
denoting the bond between soldiers, is explicitly institutional
and political, tying adhesive love to a political and
connotatively masculine and militaristic project.
He writes: “Democracy
infers such loving comradeship, as its most inevitable
twin or counterpart, without which it will be incomplete,
in vain, and incapable of perpetuating itself” ( 771).
The power of literature to undertake the project
of constructing cultural consciousness foreshadows the
project that Whitman pursues in Calamus. Comradeship
must be “developed, cultivated, and recognized.” Democracy
is in need of loving comradeship in order to “perpetuate
itself.” Being counterparts, loving comradeship (adhesive
love) is in need of Whitman’s democratic model to similarly
perpetuate, construct, and speak itself through literature.
The first poem
in the Calamus series, “In Paths Untrodden,” initiates
the connection between the political project explicated
in “Democratic Vistas” and its enactment in Calamus.
Whitman writes: “Clear to me now in standards not yet
publish’d, clear to me that my soul,/ the soul of the
man I speak for rejoices in comrades” (96.6-7).
Whitman goes on to dedicate the purpose of the
poem to “celebrate the need of comrades,” a need that,
if we return to “Democratic Vistas,” also translates into
a need for the divine literatus that will bring Democracy
(97.18). Whitman speaks for
the man who “rejoices in comrades,” figuring himself
as their leader and fellow comrade. The fact that he speaks
for both himself and for other men in “standards not yet
publish’d,” names his poetry specifically (rather than
the ambiguous “literatures” referred to in “Democratic
Vistas”), as the vehicle by which Democracy, comradeship,
and spirituality are to be instituted.
In “For You
O Democracy,” Whitman’s sexual and political rhetoric
takes on geographical space as its object: “Come, I will
make the continent indissoluble,/ I will make the most
splendid race the sun ever shone upon,/ I will make divine
magnetic lands, with the love of comrades” (100.1-4).
Divisions between geographical spaces, racial groups,
and individuals are summarily wiped away in these four
lines. The continent is “indissoluble,” composed of “inseparable
cities with their arms about each other’s necks” (101.7).
Whitman, as poet, takes charge by constructing “one splendid
race.” The “one splendid race” that he refers to is a
race of comrades. Racial identification then is substituted
by a sexual identification that unites men, regardless
of national, racial, or other local sites of identification.
The love of comrades is the ultimate magnet that binds
space and racial groups. This umbrella-effect that “the
love of comrades” extends over separable sites of identification
is echoed in “Whoever You Are Holding Me Now in Hand,”
where the democratic ideal of comradeship becomes the
“sole and exclusive standard.”
The importance
of space to Whitman’s democratic project also marks “Cities
of Orgies.” In this poem, Whitman addresses Manhattan
in a tone that echoes his address to Democracy: “as I
pass O Manhattan, your frequent and swift flash of eyes
offering me love, / offering response to my own–these
repay me, / Lovers, continual lovers, only repay me” (107.7-9).
Here, the “inseparable cities with their arms about each
other’s necks” that appeared in “For You O Democracy”
are pulled into a romantic relationship with the poet
as if the city was one of his comrades. Whitman’s serenades
to his lovers, to Democracy, and to the city, bring the
three into a metonymic relationship.
We can see
another example of Whitman’s cultural appropriation under
the sign of primary sexual identification in part 13 of
“Salut Au Monde.” Whitman writes: “I have looked for equals
and lovers and found them ready for me in all lands /
I think some divine rapport has equalized me with them”
(126.213-214). For Whitman, “equals and lovers” are clearly
the same people. A “divine rapport” has equalized Whitman
with these other men, the “divine rapport” being, of course,
Whitman’s own poetry. It is Whitman’s own democratizing
voice that unites them. This invasive equalization that
Whitman makes is softened by his claim that he “found
them ready” for him, as if waiting for his blessing of
equality. The invasiveness is underscored by the repeated
refrains of “I see” and “I hear” throughout “Salut Au
Monde.”
In his poem,
“This Moment Yearning and Thoughtful,” the erasures that
Whitman makes are even more explicit and extend beyond
U.S. borders. As Whitman writes:
It seems to me I can look over and behold
them in Germany, Italy, France, Spain,
Or
far, far away, in China, or in Russia, or Japan,
talking other dialects,
And it seems to me if I could know those
men I should become attached to them as I do to
men in my
own lands,
O, I know we should be brethren and
lovers,
I
know I should be happy with them. (109.3-7)
|
In this passage from “This Moment Yearning and Thoughtful,”
Whitman “beholds” the men of other countries under his
glance. Particular attention is drawn to the Eastern countries,
the saying of their names being drawn out by the words
“in” and “or,” which separate them entirely as opposed
to the less intrusive comma that separates the European
countries. Whitman acknowledges the immense distance between
himself and particularly the Eastern countries in writing
“far, far away.” He acknowledges different dialects, but
not that such language differences might institute a barrier
between himself and others. The repeated refrain of “I
know” is authoritative, suggestive of his dominance over
the text, over the men, and over the cultures they represent.
Whitman claims his possession of these men as spiritual
“brethren” and “lovers.” Despite cultural and linguistic
differences, Whitman sees these men as only potential
“comrades.” In figuring them as lovers, he is simultaneously
figuring them as potential recruits for his democratic
project. Whitman’s desire to institute Democracy in these
other countries is implicit when he suggests that he could
“become attached to them as I do men in my own lands.”
As Mark Maslin notes, “Since, in his view, his homosexuality
is nothing other than the structure of male sexual desire
made manifest, it therefore figures in his poetry as a
mark of authority, not an affront to it. He thus
represents his reader with a vision of male homosexuality
as a relation of invasion and submission” (143). The commanding
tone of the “sole and exclusive standard” and the insistence
on making the men of other countries his lovers and brethren,
seems to make homosexuality not only the mask for imperialism,
but also the mimic of an imperialist tone that demands
subjection to the leader’s (Whitman’s) will.
I argue for the consideration of Calamus
as an example of performativity in that the Democratic
project that Whitman explicitly lays out in his non-fiction
essay “Democratic Vistas” is the same that he pursues
in the series of poems that make up Calamus. Judith
Butler writes:
Performativity is neither free play
nor theatrical self-presentation; nor can it be simply
equated with performance. Moreover, constraint is
not necessarily that which sets a limit to performativity;
constraint is that which impels and sustains performativity...performativity
cannot be understood outside of a process of iterability,
a regularized and constrained repetition of norms. (“Bodies” 95) |
By pursuing a political
project that argues for a national literature, designed
to shift cultural consciousness toward the acceptance
of adhesive love and a model of Democracy based on it,
Whitman engages in the beginnings of what he imagines
will be a ritualized and repetitive iteration of his own
sexual identification. This iteration, however, is constrained
by its equation with a political project that, as we will
see, perpetuates normative masculinity and cultural dominance.
I want to suggest that the metonymic relationship
between Democracy and adhesive love both constrains the
avowal of his sexual identification and also does the
positive work of helping to sustain it, making it possible
for not only a political ideal, but also a sexual behavioral
ideal to be perpetuated in a mass cultural mode.
In “I Saw in Louisiana a Live-Oak Growing,”
Whitman’s sexual identification and his ability to articulate
it via poetry is impacted by its relationship to the social.
He relates: “And its look, rude, unbending, lusty, made
me think of myself, / But I wonder’d how it could utter
joyous leaves standing alone there without its friend
or love near, for I knew I could not” (108.4-5). The live-oak
that Whitman observes, as others have noted, is an explicitly
phallic metaphor in its unbending lustiness. It recalls
him to himself, suggesting not only that the tree stirs
sexual feelings in Whitman, but also that the tree’s presence
has an effect on his self-awareness. Whitman wonders at
the trees ability to stand so straight, uttering “joyous
leaves” without friends near.
This suggests not only the need for a nearby object
of desire, but also the need for social complicity in
the ritual reproduction of his project. The word “uttering,”
which appears twice in this poem, recalls us to Butler’s
argument regarding the importance of iterability in the
performative construction of identity. As Butler writes:
“this repetition is not performed by a subject;
this repetition is what enables a subject and constitutes
the temporal condition for the subject. This iterability
implies that ‘performance’ is not a singular ‘act’ . .
. but a ritualized production” (“Bodies” 95). If Whitman is to subvert the social constraints
that act upon his sexual identification, he must gain
social complicity for his project in order to create the
ritualized production that holds stronger subversive power
than the single act of Calamus can produce despite
its repetitive theme.
What is at stake should Whitman find
himself alone and unable to “utter his joyous leaves”?
Butler writes: “The ‘threat’ that compels the assumption
of masculine and feminine attributes is . . . for the
latter, the monstrous assent into phallacism. . . .If
a man refuses too radically the ‘having of a phallus,’
he will be punished with homosexuality” (“Bodies” 103).
Whitman, in breaking off the limb of the Louisiana oak
and taking it inside to act as his phallic muse, reassures
himself of his masculine identity. As noted, Whitman also
asserts the primacy of the masculine in the connotative
masculinity of the soldier, his hero of Democracy. Since
the phallic tree limb acts as Whitman’s muse, we also
see that the threat of castration is simultaneously the
threat of a lost poetic voice. Whitman’s Democracy and
his sexual self are threatened by the possibility of this
loss. The phallic symbol of the Live-Oak “recalls him
to himself” and repels the threat. This re-inscription
of masculine identity alongside Whitman’s celebration
of adhesiveness represents the punitive threat that, for
Butler, maintains the ritual of performative gender identity.
Whitman’s model of Democracy, in its dependence on iterability
via poetry, is directly related to the threat of castration
and the maintenance of masculine identification. Whitman’s
model of Democracy then is a normative constraint on the
unabashed performance of his sexual identification in
that it responds to the threat of castration.
In his book Disseminating Whitman,
Michael Moon states:
Whitman’s writing registers in a complicated
way both the exciting possibility for many that patriarchal
formations are constructs and therefore subject to
revision, and the daunting degree to which such a
far-reaching and revisionary politics is fraught with
difficulties, including the always present threat
of persecution and reprisal exerted by the dominant
culture. (159) |
I agree with Moon that Whitman’s writing opens up progressive possibilities in its attention to
the construction of cultural identifications. It
is clear that part of Whitman’s project is an attempt
to rewrite cultural consciousness by proposing a democratic
model that uses non-heteronormative sexual behavior as
its model, but I think it is important to acknowledge
that Whitman is not completely free of patriarchal constraints. Even within this sexually progressive framework,
we see a larger political project that does not allow
for other identifications and re-inscribes masculinity
as the ideal. Even as he attempts to rewrite it, dominant
cultural consciousness restrains Whitman, requiring that
he veil the “unacceptable” aspects of his behavior in
a patriarchal, cultural imperial project.
In Bodies
that Matter, Judith Butler takes issue with democratic
models such as the one that Whitman is promoting, in which
masculine desire is figured as the impetus for an imperial
project and where unity is pursued over recognition of
cultural difference. Butler writes: “The ideal of transforming
all excluded identifications into inclusive features .
. . in appropriating all difference as exemplary features
of itself, becomes a figure for imperialism, a figure
that installs itself by way of a romantic, insidious,
and all-consuming humanism” (“Bodies” 116).
Butler’s acknowledgment that political projects
like Whitman’s are in pursuit of an “ideal” is also an
acknowledgement of the impossibility of such an inclusive
project. The likely consequence, as Butler suggests and
as my argument has shown, is cultural appropriation and
imperialism. It is identification on the basis of sexuality
that unites Whitman with men of other countries, over-riding
and potentially erasing other sites. In Whitman’s democratic
vision there is no room for a multiplicity of identities
to exist within a single subject--the defining feature
of Butler’s term “phantasmic identification.” Whitman’s
Democracy is an “all-consuming humanism.” His insistence
on poetry as the sublime voice of transcendence and spirituality
as a way of installing his project does make him a romantic
figure for imperialism and also an insidious figure, in
that we acknowledge his sexual freedom as positive, even
while his politics can be interpreted as invasive and
dominating.
By way of defining
“phantasmic identification,” Butler writes: “it is not
simply a matter of honoring the subject as a plurality
of identifications, for these identifications are invariably
imbricated in one another: a gender identification can
be made in order to repudiate or participate in race identification”
(116). The rhetoric of Whitman’s poetry makes an identification
with a highly masculinized, patriarchal, and authoritative
image of cultural imperialism that is simultaneous with
his sexual identification. His poetry suggests a series
of overlapping edges, indicative of the existence of a
phantasmic Whitman. He is simultaneously a poet, leader,
comrade, and missionary. The privilege of political agency
and repudiation made possible through Whitman’s phantasmic
identification, however, is a possibility that he systematically
eradicates for the other subjects of Calamus and
his imagined democratic utopia.
Butler writes:
“Every insistence on identity must at some point lead
to a taking stock of the constitutive exclusions that
reconsolidate hegemonic power differentials, exclusions
that each articulation was forced to make in order to
proceed (“Bodies”118). My conclusion is that Whitman,
in his insistence on adhesive love as the supreme example
of Democracy and the aim of a cultural imperial project,
reconsolidates masculine authority and eliminates the
possibility of the more progressive pursuit of phantasmic
and shifting identifications for the ‘others’ of the Calamus
series. As Mark Maslin pointed out, the insistence in
recent Whitman criticism on seeing Whitman’s poetry as
over-archingly subversive without acknowledging conclusions
such as mine, is to put the positive work of Whitman’s
subversion of heterosexuality as the ideal romantic relationship
at risk. Whitman believes he can rewrite a new, inclusive
model of American Democracy, but unfortunately re-inscribes
exactly those institutions which seek to exclude him,
while practicing his own exclusions along the way.
Works Cited
Bellis, Peter J. Writing Revolution: Aesthetics and Politics
in Hawthorne, Whitman, and Thoreau.. Athens:
University of Georgia Press, 2003.
Butler, Judith. Bodies that Matter:
On the Discursive Limits of “Sex”. New York: Routledge,
1993.
---. “Performative Acts and Gender Constitution.”
Literary Theory: An Anthology. Eds. Julie Rivkin
and Michael Ryan. Malden: Blackwell Publishing, 2004.
900-11.
Coviello, Peter. “Intimate Nationality: Anonymity and Attachment
in Whitman.”American Literature 73.1 (2001):
85-19.
Dellamora, Richard. Masculine Desire:
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Hutchinson, George. The Ecstatic
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Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1986.
Maslan, Mark. Whitman Possessed:
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Moon, Michael. Disseminating Whitman:
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Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991.
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The Politics of Classic American Literature. New York:
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Whitman, Walt. Leaves of Grass and Other Writings. New
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